Every day we hear: democracy is weakening. What is most alarming is that voters themselves — those who should be its primary stakeholders — are losing faith in it. People see unresolved problems — growing inequality, migration — and increasingly turn to radical populists. In major democracies, movements like the AfD in Germany and MAGA in the United States are gaining strength; they show sympathy for authoritarian regimes, including Putin’s, and, according to media reports, in some cases receive support from them.
The main catalyst for these sentiments is the war in Europe unleashed by Putin. Against this backdrop, we argue: liberal democracy has given humanity an enormous leap forward, but it has not developed mechanisms for self-preservation in critical moments. The core value of democracy — the protection of human rights and minorities — has never become a daily behavioral norm for the majority. Therefore, an institutional response is required.
What this article is about
- Liberal democracy has raised quality of life and security to unprecedented levels but is poorly protected against internal “viruses” — radical anticonstitutional movements.
- The protection of minorities is its main test of maturity. This includes not only safeguards against state arbitrariness but also active suppression of xenophobia coming from part of the majority.
- Liberal parties in power often fear acting decisively — worrying about losing electoral support — and thus retreat before the radicals.
- Empathic citizens and human rights organizations evolve modern liberal democracy and serve as its “immune system.” But they lack authority and stable funding. We propose strengthening this “immunity” through an independent constitutional ombudsman with the right to appeal directly to the highest court.
Europe between values and challenges
The European Union unites countries legally obliged to uphold “the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, and human rights.”
Today, the preservation of these values is in question even in leading economies — Germany and France. A key indicator of destabilization is the rise of far-right parties exploiting xenophobia and anticonstitutional rhetoric. In Germany, the AfD is already claiming power in upcoming elections.
Reasons include:
Russia’s war against Ukraine: rising military budgets, inflows of Ukrainian refugees and Russian political emigrants, and the resulting economic tensions — all heighten emotional and political pressure.
Global confrontation: China under Xi positions the SCO as a bloc opposed to liberal democracies — a direct challenge to the global influence of the democratic model.
Populist impulses in the U.S.: MAGA’s successes have weakened the international authority of the democratic world leader and emboldened right-wing radicals in Europe.
Why liberal democracy is the pinnacle of political evolution
Definition. Liberal democracy is a system in which power is chosen through free and fair elections, limited by law, divided among branches, and rights and freedoms are protected by independent courts and institutions.
Economic reality. Non-democracies produce about ⅓ of global GDP; democracies about ⅔. This is not just correlation—freedom, predictable rules, and innovation drive the difference.
Peace dividend. For 70+ years, democracies have almost never fought each other. The 1975 Helsinki Accords established pan-European security rules. Russia’s violation of these rules brought nuclear risks back to Europe, showing that peace and democracy must be defended daily.
Technological leadership. Over the past 70 years, liberal democracies produced about three times more GDP growth from patented domestic technologies — with a ninefold advantage in absolute terms.
Humanitarian leadership. Liberal democracies allocate roughly three times more of their GDP to philanthropy, including private donations.
Social protection. They spend 20–25% of GDP on social assistance — 1.5 to 2.6 times more than authoritarian or hybrid regimes (5–14%).
Justice, humanism, and empathy: the foundations of democratic evolution
Liberal democracy evolves by expanding citizens’ rights, guided by justice, humanism, and empathy — even against majority opinion. Empaths often risk their personal safety, freedoms, and careers for higher values. Without these values, the system stagnates.
Historical examples:
• Abolition of slavery in the U.S. Empaths like Frederick Douglass and Harriet Tubman — less than 2% of the population — overcame the pro-slavery majority in the South and the apathy of the North.
• Women’s rights. Suffragettes — just 4% of women — overcame resistance from the male majority and won the 19th Amendment (1920).
• Social spending. Roosevelt’s New Deal introduced pensions and social support despite opposition from business and conservatives.
• Civil rights. Martin Luther King and other activists — about 11% of the population — achieved landmark reforms despite majority resistance in the South.
• LGBT rights and same-sex marriage. Activists like Evan Wolfson — 3–5% of the population — secured the Obergefell v. Hodges (2015) ruling, legalizing marriage equality in all 50 states.
Human nature: bearer of both empathy and aggression
The danger of dictatorship is rooted in human nature: leadership often gravitates toward aggression. But history also shows people willing to risk their lives resisting evil.
Biologically:
- chimpanzees have strict hierarchies and frequent conflict,
- bonobos show minimal violence, resolving tension through play and sex,
- humans combine both tendencies.
Science speaks of a “mosaic of factors”: culture and institutions constrain destructive impulses.
The American case: how ideas become norms
The founders of the U.S. transformed European experience into a liberal-democratic project based on separation of powers and a social contract where sovereignty remains with the people. But constitutional equality took decades to materialize — culminating in the civil rights movement of the 1950s–60s, a landmark victory of civil society.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Europe’s “constitution of peace”
Adopted in 1948, it established a universal moral-political standard and influenced constitutions, international treaties, peace in Europe, and decolonization. Eleanor Roosevelt said: “Human rights begin in small places, close to home…”
The return of risks: why the “end of history” never arrived
Despite the peaceful victory over Soviet totalitarianism, the 21st century brought revanchist trends: Putin’s neofascism and the rise of Europe’s far right. Migration waves, cultural tensions, and economic anxiety fuel national-populism. Authoritarian “success stories” in China and Russia are used for propaganda.
The response must be systemic: mobilizing the human rights movement and legally entrenching its constitutional role, including direct access to the highest court.
Human rights defenders: who they are and why they matter
A human rights defender is a civic activist whose mission is protecting rights and the rule of law — often at personal risk. In authoritarian states they face imprisonment, as seen in Russia today.
Germany as Europe’s test case: AfD and GFF
The independent NGO Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte (GFF) prepares legal groundwork for a potential ban of the AfD under Article 21(2) of the Basic Law. NGOs cannot appeal directly to the Federal Constitutional Court but build evidence and public pressure.
Mass protests (up to 1.4 million participants in a single weekend in 2024–2025) show that democracy’s immunity comes from civil society, not ruling parties.
Systemic vulnerability
Human rights defenders lack the right to appeal directly to the constitutional court. They depend on political institutions, while extremists gain electoral legitimacy.
Proposal: a constitutional “immune system” via an independent ombudsman
Every democracy needs a strong, independent ombudsman institution, constitutionally guaranteed and funded by taxpayers but organizationally independent from government.
Powers and structure:
• right to appeal to any court, including the constitutional court;
• network of specialized NGOs funded through ombudsman grants;
• open access for any citizen to file complaints;
• elected ombudsman with a fixed, non-political term.
Example of use:
If a party systematically uses extremist rhetoric, promotes hatred or violence, the ombudsman files for its dissolution in the Constitutional Court — as an independent, rights-based actor.
Why this matters now
If German human rights defenders succeed in having the AfD declared unconstitutional (provided sufficient legal grounds), it will signal the rest of Europe. Many countries lack comparable institutions. The definition of liberal democracy could be updated to include:
“…and an independent ombudsman as an equal element of the system of checks and balances.”
This would give democracy a mechanism of self-defense and a path to renewal without sliding into authoritarianism.
Conclusion
Liberal democracy has proven effective — economically, socially, and, most importantly, as a force for peace. But peace “by default” no longer works. We need institutional immunity against anticonstitutional radicalism.
Strengthening the human rights movement is not a “left-liberal agenda” but a matter of security. It can help unify Europe and the world and preserve stability.